The purist transforming the art of documentary film-making

Great artists rarely paint the world in black and white. Life is too complex to be bound neatly into two opposing extremes. The real value of great art lies in the ability of the artist to explore the grey areas, challenging existing conceptions about reality, perhaps by shaping the memory of events in the past, or by lighting up the imagination with depictions of the future.

For Mohammed Ali Naqvi, a documentary film-maker of Pakistani origin, wanderlust and anthropological curiosity are central to this quest. Naqvi is not afraid to explore uncharted territory with the camera, but in doing so, does not actively compromise on the deeply personal narrative that underpins most of his films, especially ones which touch on sensitive topics.

This is what sets Naqvi apart from his competition, at least in Pakistan. Over the past few decades, documentary film-makers, both foreign and local, have tried to capture the raw emotion underlying complex issues in Pakistan, but failed to do so. To Naqvi, it comes naturally, without the need for accompanying narration, music, or innovative cinematography.

“I aspire to be a purist when espousing an observational tone and style. It replicates a neutral and more authentic portrayal of the subjects. Ultimately, the audience can make their own judgments about the people in the film by observing their behavior. Editorial, it can be limiting to have an omniscient voice. Nuance can be lost,” Naqvi tells Geo News. 

The secret to good film-making in Pakistan is inextricably linked to the understanding of local culture. In order to accurately portray the reality on the ground, Naqvi takes a peek into not only the religious and political beliefs of the main characters, but also zeroes in on the point where these beliefs come into contradiction with the society and the state.

The conflict that plays out in the real world as a result of these contradictions is the main story Naqvi obsessively runs after in his documentaries. The topics these films cover are also quite provocative, considering the conservative bias of Pakistani society. For example, Naqvi has made films on child abuse, civil-military relations, and the plight of minorities.

“When navigating contextually complex terrain, I have to be very strict about the editorial lens for each narrative. It is no accident that the editorial line ends up being a personal narrative that parallels my own life experiences. The people in my films, whether they are in crisis, or seeking justice, or they are victorious, are manifesting my own experiences,” Naqvi told Geo News.

“The topics, whether its blasphemy, sexual abuse, or civil-military relations, are incidental to the prime personal narratives. The topics make up the world my subjects inhabit — a contemporary Pakistan. And if I peel that layer further, it is my version of a contemporary Pakistan, the Pakistan that I live and experience,” he said in an exclusive interview.

In two of his most famous documentaries, Inshallah Democracy and Among The Believers, Naqvi delivers perhaps the greatest insight into two important events that changed the course of Pakistani history — the military coup of 1999 and the Lal Masjid siege of 2007. For the films, Naqvi gained exclusive access to the central characters of each event.

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'All the institutions of this country have failed, someone has to fill the vacuum’

Released in 2015, Among The Believers follows Abdul Aziz Ghazi, the chief cleric of the Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) in Islamabad, as he goes about managing the affairs of the mosque and the madrassa (religious school) that stands alongside the mosque. The cleric was arrested during the siege of 2007 but released in 2009, and acquitted completely by courts in 2013.

“Muslims have been represented in the western media in black and white terms, and most characterisations of Pakistan and Islam have been intellectually dishonest. I certainly didn’t want to perpetuate stereotypes and make a polemic on my own faith. The film shows the fight against militancy as an indigenous struggle within the Muslim world,” Naqvi says.

The documentary is made up entirely of interviews with Abdul Aziz, his students, and the parents and guardians of those students. Through most of the documentary, viewers can see Abdul Aziz leading prayers, solving religious and personal disputes, teaching, and otherwise leading a community of people who revere him as a leader.

For critics in the West and liberals in Pakistan, this is too much of a provocation. Abdul Aziz has been labelled a terrorist, a hard-liner, an extremist, a militant teacher who has an army of suicide bombers at his disposal at all times. How can such a man be a peaceful philanthropist? Is there more to him than meets the eye? Naqvi desperately searches for an answer.

The evil side of Aziz is also portrayed. The cleric is on camera seen pocketing money off the donations he has received from worshippers at the Red Mosque. He is also seen justifying the weapons that children at his religious school once had, before the military operation in 2007. At one point during his interview with Naqvi, Aziz dares state authorities to arrest him again.

However, it seems that the answer Naqvi wants is lacking. In the documentary, Aziz largely comes off as a pitiable figure, wronged by the society and the state, but still dredging on with his mission. After establishing that the religious school of Aziz takes in poor children from the street, and gives them food and education, Naqvi accompanies Aziz to a graveyard.

“Here lies my cousin, he was martyred in the Red Mosque. These graves, all around, are almost all of the martyrs of the Red Mosque. My younger brother and my mother were also martyred. My son, Hassan, also laid down his life in the Red Mosque. He was 20 years-old. He was my only son,” Aziz tells Naqvi in one particularly chilling part of the interview.

Throughout the documentary, Naqvi tries to accommodate for the alternative point of view by interviewing Pervez Hoodbhoy, a nuclear scientist and a strong critic of Aziz. However, the arguments that the scientist makes often fall short of the mark. Hoodbhoy counters dogma with reason, but Aziz delivers the punchline that literally captures the entire film in one shot.

“All the major institutions of our country have failed to solve the problems of our country. The military rulers have failed, the democratically elected rulers have failed, and the judicial system has failed too. Because everyone failed, there is a vacuum. Somebody has to fill it,” Aziz maintains. In other words, the state is failing to provide for the poor of the society.

Naqvi, though, disagrees with the assumption that Aziz can fill the vacuum. According to him, the rhetoric of hate perpetuated by Aziz has failed. He believes that the stories of those joining government schools instead of religious ones — one of whom is also in the film — can help inspire other children to follow the path, and eventually leave Aziz behind.

“Highlighting moderate voices like Dr Hoodbhoy, Tariq, and Zarina who are working towards countering this militant ideology, is integral. In fact, my intention to feature mainstream Muslim voices in our film that are resisting Maulana Aziz's rhetoric of hate — is my own contribution towards reclaiming my faith from extremists like Aziz,” he says.

“I can think of no more effective way to combat extremism than to showcase peace-loving, tolerant Muslims reclaiming their own faith from the grip of religious fascism,” the film-maker adds. The cost making the move from a religious school to a government one - government schools do not offer children food or shelter — is left unexplored.

Also read: A literary man in a political situation

‘The Constitution is just a piece of paper to be thrown in the dustbin’

Released in 2017, Inshallah Democracy follows former president Pervez Musharraf as he navigates a life in exile while trying to stay relevant in politics back home. The project is a deeply personal one, as Naqvi details his admiration for the former military man from the offset, touting him as an enlightened moderate battling fundamentalist forces in Pakistan.

"Inshallah Democracy was a personal chronicle about the evolution of my political beliefs. As documentary filmmakers, we are voyeurs — we turn our cameras outwards and observe our subjects. In that vein, I began with the simple premise of documenting Musharraf in exile — a fallen leader’s attempt at a political comeback in the 2013 elections,” Naqvi explains.

“When Musharraf opened up to me, we began forming our own friendship. That is when the story started changing. It wasn’t just about him anymore, it was about me as well. I wasn’t just a fly on the wall, I was an active participant — a potential voter. I was in the unique position of observing a potential candidate first-hand," Naqvi underlines.

In the film, Musharraf is seen dining with Naqvi, having fine Cuban cigars, and showing off a magazine cover that featured him in uniform as the holder of the toughest job in the world. In a matter-of-fact tone, the former president tells Naqvi that no one can measure up what a man would do in a crisis situation.

"No one knows how a leader will behave in a difficult situation. You cannot gauge this during peace time. There is always pressure on the army to save the country. That is the dilemma in Pakistan. That is why army has to play a role for sustainable democracy," Musharraf says.

Musharraf, according to the portrayal in the film, is the moderniser who brought democracy, free media, and investment into the country. He is also shown as the man standing against deadly sectarian conflict and for the protection of the rights of minorities in the country. 

However, key elements of the whole story seem missing. Naqvi does not make mention of the close relationship Musharraf had with the MQM, and the ethnic conflict that spiked in Karachi during their rule. He also ignores that under Musharraf, fundamentalist parties ruled two provinces. 

Perhaps to compensate for the portrayal of Musharraf, Naqvi does include bits in the film about the leaders of big political parties and their ideas for the country, contrasting them with Musharraf. These comparisons seem stretched at best, since Musharraf is not a politician.

"In Pakistan, no elected government has performed for the people and the state. Not even once, in our history. While the military men, in their period, Pakistan has gained in all socio-economic indicators," Musharraf says in justification of his coup, but then dives into a personal detail too.

"The question is, as a military man, I took oath upon the Constitution of Pakistan. When I took the oath, it was actually to preserve the state. Now, if the state is going, and the state is going to be no more, where does this Constitution stand? I think it is just a piece of paper, to be thrown in the dustin," Musharraf casually explains. 

The distinction perhaps offers great insight into how military dictators and despots justify power grabs to themselves, personally. To Musharraf, the state is more important than anything else, and laws do not matter when it comes to making tough choices, like a true soldier. 

When the film came out in the United Kingdom, democratic activists of Pakistani-origin protested against the release, arguing that the film showed Musharraf in an agreeable light and glorified military rule, while implicitly vilifying the democratic leadership of the country. 

"The activists certainly have a right to their opinion. If anything, it pleases me that I am offered feedback — as a documentarian that is what we aspire towards - to spark dialogue. But in this instance, the activists had sent out a petition trying to get the film banned," Naqvi says.

"They made claims that the film glorified military rule before even having seen it. Had they seen the film first, the petitioners would know that Inshallah Democracy is critical of military rule and actually advocates Pakistan’s journey towards democracy," he noted.

"Human Rights Watch, the group that was hosting the screening, issued a statement, that the film, in fact, will remind people about Musharraf’s abuses and jumpstart a conversation about addressing them. Ironically, the activist group advocating democracy, was also trying to censor my film and silence me, much like a dictator," he explains. 

Also read: The Oscar winner from India who was born in Pakistan

'Our film served as a catalyst for government to take action for street children'

In addition to the two documentaries discussed above, Mohammed Ali Naqvi has also made films on rape, child abuse, and other forms of sexual exploitation in Pakistan. These topics, considered taboo in most social circles, have stirred up healthy debates around them. 

"The medium of documentary is a critical art form. (I am speaking specifically about the feature documentary genre — not TV documentaries that fall into sports, nature, science, or lifestyle). The feature documentary's intention is to lift up a mirror to society and hold the viewers accountable," Naqvi details. 

When asked to comment on whether it was shameful that he only covered topics that were critical of the country, Naqvi dismissed the notion.  "This is the case universally, whether it is filmmakers from Pakistan, United States, India, France, or China- documentaries are meant to highlight social ills, human rights in that country. Just a cursory glance at some recent Western documentary titles will reveal topics that are critiquing the West," he adds. 

"Having said that, I've never really seen my films as negatively depicting Pakistan. It shows how tough and resilient Pakistan is. Take Shame for example — the story that I did on Mukhtaran Mai. I saw that as a celebration of one of our country's heroes. Here was someone who had suffered immense personal tragedy, and had come out the other side resolute in her quest to get justice and to transform our society," he notes. 

"Furthermore, films can have genuine social impact on ground in Pakistan. A development that we are very proud of is that our film served as a catalyst for the Pakistani government to take action for the betterment of the lives of the street children in Pakistan. Prime Minister Imran Khan officially stated that he opened up a shelter home for street children after watching our film," he claims. 

Naqvi has a new documentary out, The Accused: Damned or Devoted, that follows a Christian woman accused of blasphemy, who was last year released by authorities, against the backdrop of the 2019 general elections and the controversy surrounding the blasphemy laws in Pakistan.

"I am working on two feature projects, one is a documentary and one is a fiction film. I am also working on a documentary series," he says when asked about future plans.  "Cinemas will die. Channels will die. YouTube will be the new master," he jokes, perhaps alluding to his new ventures.